转载两篇关于《独立宣言》中文翻译的文章
中午在Luo的一个站点上看到他收集两篇有关《独立宣言》的文章,觉得很有价值。就原版转载到自己的Blog上了!原文链接请直接点击这里。
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任东来《独立宣言》中译稿(附英文)
任东来按:受李道揆教授文章(李道揆:“美国《独立宣言》中文本译文的问题及改进建议”,《美国研究》,2001年第2期)的提示,结合自己目前进行的研究,笔者不揣冒昧,在《美国历史文献选集》的译文(中国翻译出版公司翻译,美国驻华大使馆新闻文化处出版,1985年)和《1765--1917年的美国》的译文(谢德风等选译,北京三联书店,1957年)基础上,试着重译《独立宣言》。现拿出来,供各位学者专家批评指正。
独 立 宣 言
一七七六年七月四日大陆会议 美利坚十三个联合邦一致通过的宣言
我们认为下面这些真理是不言而喻的:造物者创造了平等的个人,并赋予他们若干不可剥夺的权利,其中包括生命权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。为了保障这些权利,人们才在他们之间建立政府,而政府之正当权力,则来自被统治者的同意。任何形式的政府,只要破坏上述目的,人民就有权利改变或废除它,并建立新政府;新政府赖以奠基的原则,得以组织权力的方式,都要最大可能地增进民众的安全和幸福。的确,从慎重考虑,不应当由於轻微和短暂的原因而改变成立多年的政府。过去的一切经验也都说明,任何苦难,只要尚能忍受,人类都宁愿容忍,而无意废除他们久已习惯了的政府来恢复自身的权益。但是,当政府一贯滥用职权、强取豪夺,一成不变地追逐这一目标,足以证明它旨在把人民置於绝对专制统治之下时,那麽,人民就有权利,也有义务推翻这个政府,并为他们未来的安全建立新的保障--这就是这些殖民地过去逆来顺受的情况,也是它们现在不得不改变以前政府制度的原因。当今大不列颠国王的历史,是一再损人利己和强取豪夺的历史,所有这些暴行的直接目的,就是想在这些邦建立一种绝对的暴政。为了证明所言属实,现把下列事实向公正的世界宣布。
他拒绝批准对公众利益最有益、最必要的法律。他禁止他的总督们批准急需和至关重要的法律,要不就把这些法律搁置起来暂等待他的同意;一旦这些法律被搁置起来,他就完全置之不理。他拒绝批准允许将广大地区供民众垦殖的其他法律,除非那些人民情愿放弃自己在立法机关中的代表权;但这种权利对他们有无法估量的价值,只有暴君才畏惧这种权利。他把各地立法机构召集到既不方便、也不舒适且远离公文档案保存地的地方去开会,其唯一的目的是使他们疲於奔命,顺从他的意旨。他一再解散各殖民地的议会,因为它们坚定果敢地反对他侵犯人民的各项权利。在解散各殖民地议会後,他又长时间拒绝另选新议会。但立法权是无法被取消的,因此这项权力已经回到广大人民手中并由他们来行使;其时各邦仍然险象环生,外有侵略之患,内有动乱之忧。他竭力抑制各殖民地增加人囗,为此,他阻挠《外国人归化法律》的通过,拒绝批准其他鼓励外国人移居各邦的法律,并提高分配新土地的条件。
他拒绝批准建立司法权力的法律,藉以阻挠司法公正。他控制了法官的任期、薪金数额和支付,从而让法官完全从属于他个人的意志。他建立多种新的衙门,派遣蝗 虫般多的官员,骚扰我们人民,并蚕食民脂民膏。在和平时期,未经我们立法机关的同意,他就在我们中间驻扎常备军。
他使军队独立於民政权力之外,并凌驾於民政权力之上。他同一些人勾结,把我们置於一种与我们的体制格格不入、且不为我们的法律认可的管辖之下;他还批准这些人炮制的假冒法案,来到达下述目的 :
在我们这里驻扎大批武装部队;用假审讯来包庇他们,使那些杀害我们各邦居民的谋杀者逍遥法外;切断我们同世界各地的贸易;未经我们同意便向我们强行徵税;在许多案件中剥夺我们享有陪审团的权益;编造罪名把我们递解到海外去受审;在一个邻近地区废除英国法律的自由制度,在那里建立专横政府,并扩大它的疆界,企图使之迅即成为一个样板和得心应手的工具,以便向这里的各殖民地推行同样的专制统治;取消我们的特许状,废除我们最宝贵的法律,并且从根本上改变了我们的政府形式;中止我们自己的立法机构,宣称他们自己在任何情况下都有权为我们立法。他宣布我们已不在他的保护之下,并向我们开战,从而放弃了这里的政权。他在我们的海域大肆掠夺,蹂躏我们的海岸,焚烧我们的市镇,残害我们人民的生命。此时他正在运送大批外国佣兵来完成屠杀、破坏和肆虐的勾当,这种勾当早就开始,其残酷卑劣甚至在最野蛮的时代也难出其右。他完全不配做一个文明国家的元首。他强迫在公海被他俘虏的我们公民同胞充军,反对自己的国家,成为残杀自己朋友和亲人的创子手,或是死於自己朋友和亲人的手下。
他在我们中间煽动内乱,并且竭力挑唆那些残酷无情的印第安人来杀掠我们边疆的居民。众所周知,印第安人的作战方式是不分男女老幼,一律格杀勿论。
在这些压迫的每一阶段中,我们都曾用最谦卑的言辞请求救济, 但我们一再的请愿求所得到的答覆却是一再的伤害。这样,一个君主,在其品行格已打上了可以看作是暴君行为的烙印时,便不配做自由人民的统治者。
我们不是没有顾念我们英国的弟兄。我们一再警告过他们,他们的立法机关企图把无理的管辖权横加到我们的头上。我们也提醒过他们,我们移民并定居来这里的状况。我们曾经呼唤他们天生的正义感和侠肝义胆,我们恳切陈词,请他们念在同文同种的份上,弃绝这些必然会破坏我们彼此关系和往来的无理掠夺。对於这种来自正义和基于血缘的呼声,他们却也同样置若罔闻。迫不得已,我们不得不宣布和他们分离。我们会以对待其他民族一样的态度对待他们:战时是仇敌,平时是朋友。
因此,我们,集合在大陆会议下的美利坚联合邦的代表,为我们各项正当意图,吁请全世界最崇高的正义:以各殖民地善良 人民的名义并经他们授权,我们极为庄严地宣布,这些联合一致的殖民地从此成为、而且是名正言顺地成为自由和独立的国家;它们解除效忠英国王室的一切义务,它们和大不列颠国家之间的一切政治关系从此全部断绝,而且必须断绝;作为自由独立的国家,它们完全有权宣战、媾和、结盟、通商和采取独立国家理应采取和处理的一切行动和事宜。为了强化这篇宣言,我们怀着深信神明保佑的信念,谨以我们的生命、财富和神圣的荣誉,相互保证,共同宣誓。
任东来在《美国历史文献选集》的译文(中国翻译出版公司翻译,美国驻华大使馆新闻文化处出版,1985)和《1765--1917年的美国》的译文(谢德风等选译,北京三联书店,1957)基础上重译。
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THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE
July 4, 1776
In Congress, July 4, 1776,
THE UNANIMOUS DECLARATION OF THE THIRTEEN UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the Powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.
That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.
That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to the m shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Des potism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.
Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.
He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.
He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.
He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.
He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.
He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.
He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws of Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands .
He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary powers.
He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harass our People, and eat out their substance.
He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.
He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.
He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:
For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:
For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from Punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:
For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:
For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:
For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:
For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences:
For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:
For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:
For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.
He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the Lives of our people.
He is at this time transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the H ead of a civilized nation.
He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.
He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.
In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.
Nor have We been wanting in attention to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and sett lement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf t o the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.
We, therefore, the Representatives of the united States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Bri tain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. An d for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the Protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.
JOHN HANCOCK, President
Attested, CHARLES THOMSON, Secretary
New Hampshire: JOSIAH BARTLETT, WILLIAM WHIPPLE, MATTHEW THORNTON
Massachusetts-Bay: SAMUEL ADAMS, JOHN ADAMS, ROBERT TREAT PAINE, ELBRIDGE GERRY
Rhode Island: STEPHEN HOPKINS, WILLIAM ELLERY
Connecticut: ROGER SHERMAN, SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, WILLIAM WILLIAMS, OLIVER WOLCOTT
Georgia: BUTTON GWINNETT, LYMAN HALL, GEO. WALTON
Maryland: SAMUEL CHASE, WILLIAM PACA, THOMAS STONE, CHARLES CARROLL OF CARROLLTON
Virginia: GEORGE WYTHE, RICHARD HENRY LEE, THOMAS JEFFERSON, BENJAMIN HARRISON, THOMAS NELSON, JR., FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE, CARTER BRAXTON.
New York: WILLIAM FLOYD, PHILIP LIVINGSTON, FRANCIS LEWIS, LEWIS MORRIS
Pennsylvania: ROBERT MORRIS, BENJAMIN RUSH, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, JOHN MORTON, GEORGE CLYMER, JAMES SMITH, GEORGE TAYLOR, JAMES WILSON, GEORGE ROSS
Delaware: CAESAR RODNEY, GEORGE READ, THOMAS M'KEAN
North Carolina: WILLIAM HOOPER, JOSEPH HEWES, JOHN PENN
South Carolina: EDWARD RUTLEDGE, THOMAS HEYWARD, JR., THOMAS LYNCH, JR., ARTHUR MIDDLETON
New Jersey: RICHARD STOCKTON, JOHN WITHERSPOON, FRANCIS HOPKINS, JOHN HART, ABRAHAM CLARK
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Prepared by Gerald Murphy (The Cleveland Free-Net - aa300)
Distributed by the Cybercasting Services Division of the National Public Telecomputing Network (NPTN).
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如此乱译美国《独立宣言》是为什么
范学德
(虽然来到美国十四年了,但我看到的亦不过是管中窥豹而已。据美国一位大法官讲,美国成功的基础就在宗教,教育和法律。而前两点,恰恰被国人严重忽视,所以,我不免会多记录几笔,且请原谅在先)
《独立宣言》是人类历史上最重要的人权文件之一。但在流行的《独立宣言》的中译本中,《独立宣言》中最重要的一句话却译得大错特错,这样的错误再也不应该继续下去了。
英文中的这一段话是:
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that allmen are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator withcertain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and thepursuit of Happiness.
在流行的翻译中,它被翻译为:“我们认为这些真理是不言而喻 的:人人生而平等,他们都从他们的"造物主"那边被赋予了某些不可转让的权利,其中包括生命权、自由权和追求幸福的权利。”关键在这一句:“all men are created equal”。
把“all men are created equal,”翻译成“人人生而平等”,显然是错了,并且是不应该发生的错误。
现在,有人出来纠正这个错误了,张玉明将其翻译为“所有的人是受造而平等的”(见《传扬》杂志2005年二月号),任东来将它翻译为“造物者创造了平等的个人”,(这是我在《法律史学术网》上查到的。)据李道揆在《美国研究》2001年第2期上介绍,关于《独立宣言》,近三十年来,中文有五个译本。不知道那一位有心人能够找到这五个译本,看看它们对这一句话都是如何翻译的。
为什么在这样一句很普通的英文上,会翻译得如此离谱,这是为什么?是不是某种无神论的世界观在作怪?
(或者只是简单地沿袭了早期的翻译?——范注)
很显然,美国的先祖很清楚,人并不是生而平等的,无论是从长相的美丑,身体的强弱,天资的聪明与愚笨,还是家庭的贫富,人都不是生而平等的。但是,无论这一切如何不同,人受造而平等,造物主所创造的个人是平等的。
这就牵涉到了三个观念:第一,造物主。《独立宣言》承认有一位造物主,所有的人都是被他所创造的,人是一个受造者。第二,人之平等就在于,人的生命中内在地包含了人之为人所不可剥夺的自由,价值和尊严,这一切不以外在的任何条件而转移。连批评基督教的美国独立斗士潘恩都引证了这样的一段话来论证这个观点: “上帝说,我们要照着我们的形象,按着我们的样式造人。上帝就照着自己的形象造人,乃是照着他的形象造男造女”(见《圣经》第一篇《创世记》)。第三,这样的自由,价值和尊严由于是被上帝所赋予给每一个人的,因此,任何政府和个人都没有权利剥夺人的自由,践踏人的尊严。
由此才可以理解,紧接着上面那句话,《独立宣言》立即宣称:“为了保障这些权利,人们才在他们之间建立政府,而政府之正当权力,则来自被统治者的同意。任何形式的政府,只要破坏上述目的,人民就有权利改变或废除它,并建立新政府;新政府赖以奠基的原则,得以组织权力的方式,都要最大可能地增进民众的安全和幸福。”
由此才可以理解,为什么以无神论立国的国家,统治者敢于肆无忌惮地践踏人权。道理很简单,因为他们不相信神,也不怕神。
“所有的人是受造而平等的”。人们可以不赞成《独立宣言》中宣扬的这个观念,但你却不能把它说成“人人生而平等”。
哪是明显的伪造,说谎。(接受几个朋友的批评,这句话说过头了。范注)
为 《 猫眼看人》 而作
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附录:1
这里要讨论的只有一件事,就是这样重要的一份历史文献(不是诗歌小说),里面这样简单并且十分重要的一句话(“that all men are created equal” ),到底是否应当按照它本来的并且十分明显的意思直接翻译出来。
由“that all men are created equal”开始的这一段话,是整个独立宣言的理论的基础。
我提出以下理由支持我的观点:翻译的前提是理解。根据解释学的一般原理。
1.首先我们应当确认我们所面对的是哪一种文体。独立宣言属于历史文献,不是小说诗歌,所以,对于它无论是直译还是意译,都应该准确地表达作者本来的意思。
2.直接探讨这句话字面上的意思。that all men are created equal” 一句话中的are created 非常明显,不是出生的意思,而是被创造。
3.联系上下文确定这句话的意思。紧接着上句话,宣言马上说: that all men arecreated equal, that they are endowed by their Creator 。。。很明显。作者说thatall men are created,是表达一切人都是被他们的(by their Creator)造物主创造的。
4.从整个文本中进一步确定这句话的意思。由“that all men are createdequal”开始的这一段话,是整个独立宣言的理论的基础。它正与最后一句话相呼应,那句话是:為了支持這篇宣言,我們堅決信賴上帝的庇佑,以我們的生命、我們的財產和我們神聖的名譽,彼此宣誓。它直接用了“上帝”一词。
5.确定这句话要表达的思想,与作者在全篇文章中要表达的思想在逻辑上是否一致。如果没有这个逻辑前提——所有的人都是被一个造物主(原文用的是单数,大写),那么,每一个人都被赋予了种种不可剥夺(不可转让)的平等权利的结论,就相互矛盾了。很显然,作者要回答一个问题:人权的源头在哪里?不是在政府,而是在造物主。
因此,这些权利不是天生的,父母给的,(父母给的,父母就可以取回),也不是社会或者国家给的(他们也可以取回),而是造物主给的。这样,独立宣言的写作者在一开始就赋予人权一个神圣的源头——造物主。
很明显,宣言作者是在告诉英国政府,人所应当享有的哪些权利,不是你恩赐的,而是造物主给每一个人的,因此,你没有任何权利剥夺这些权利!
政府没有权利剥夺人权。这在当时是一个具有极其革命性,颠覆性的宣告。而且,它宣告的有理,因为它直接付诸于美国人都可以理解的造物主的观念。
6.在整个文化情境中理解作者所使用的基本概念。“创造”(creat)在西方文化中是一个非常重要的观念。它表达的是一个从无到有的过程。“生”是从有到有,不同形态的转化。而创造不是。当“创造”(creat)讲到人时,自然把人同他们的造物主直接联系起来——造物主与被创造者,就是说,所有的人都是被造物主所创造的,他们在被造上是平等的。而这样的创造观念,只能够与西方人的宗教信仰联系起来,而当时的美国人的宗教信仰,是他们世界观的决定性部分。
7.联系到当时的整个社会情境。当时社会上的人,对于一个概念是怎么理解的。注意,宣言的作者不是写哲学教科书,而是直接对大众说话。他们的话必须为大众所能够理解。而当时美国大众的绝大多数是相信上帝的,是相信人是被上帝所创造的。(即是自然神论者,也不公开否认造物主的观念),因此,说所有的人被造而平等,他们立即就能够明白。尽管,他们完全明白这一点,还需要一个历史过程。
8.最后一句。翻译西方历史文献,首先是为了了解当时的美国人是怎么说,怎么想的。而不是我们希望他们怎么说,怎么想的,更不要为了我们的理解力或者现实需要,就改动那些非常明白的直接的意思。如此,才能够实现文化的交流。不然,我们会把一切外来的观念,都打伤中国的烙印,并宣称是自古有之,我们的老祖宗早就说过了。
并且,即使在谈论人权,西方也有不同的概念体系。比如,法国人权宣言和世界人权宣言就都没有提到造物主。因此,我们既不能用美国人权宣言代替法国人权宣言,也不能相反,尽管它们有许多相同的基本观念。
退一万步,如果说早期的翻译是由于不了解美国文化而误译,那么,现在也是该纠正这个错误了。错误并不因为大家都接受就正确了,正如错误并不由于权力的支持就有理了。
# 阿赛尔: 但是,我对以前的翻译之失的看法是,很可能是无意之失,而非政治性作用下意图抹杀宗教观点而故意为之的。这是我的基本判断。
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范学德:我可以同意你的这个看法,也许,我想得过多了。当然了,人人生而平等,从中文来说,非常美丽。但可惜不是原作者的本意。
附录:2
美国《独立宣言》中文本译文的问题及改进建议
李道揆
近来应奥林匹克出版社的邀请,写一篇向我国中学生介绍美国《独立宣言》的文章。为此,我细心地阅读了《独立宣言》的中文本。早在上个世纪初,我国就出版了《独立宣言》的全译本,以后又有新的译本问世。但是,直到今天,我国却还没有一个公认的《独立宣言》中文本的标准本。我手头上有近30多年出版的《独立宣言》的五个中文本,分别刊载于下面五个文集中:(1)《世界史资料丛刊》初集,商务印书馆1962年出版(以下简称“丛刊本”);(2)康马杰(Henry SteeleCommager)编:《美国历史文献选萃》,今日世界出版社(香港)1979年出版,这文集中的《独立宣言》是节本,(以下简称“康本”);(3)裴孝贤(Donald M.Bishop)编:《美国历史文献选集》,中国翻译出版公司翻译,美国新闻处(香港)校订,美国驻华大使馆新闻文化处1985年出版,此选集是《美国历史文献选萃》的增补修订版,对《独立宣言》进行了修改(以下简称“裴本”);(4)赵一凡编:《美国的历史文献》,三联书店1989年出版,此文集中的《独立宣言》采用了《裴本》,故本文将此本归类为“裴本”。不再专门论述;(5)吴新平主编:《世界各国法律大典/美国法典:宪法行政法卷》(《独立宣言》的译者是吴新平),中国社会科学出版社1993年出版(以下简称“吴本”)
。。。。。。。。。
(见《美国研究》,2001年第2期)
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